Surprising stuff on the Gray Lady’s pages

Whence capitalism? That’s the question making the rounds at Davos, Switzerland. We might respond, “Well, it’s about time.”

The Economist magazine devoted a recent cover to China’s “state capitalism,” with a picture of Lenin holding a cigar. Cute. China is growing; we’re not. The New York Times article on iPhones and iPads being built in China rather than here in the states suggested that manufacturing clusters are key; China has them, we don’t. China has an activist state. We have Congress.

The western capitalist system is certainly in a funk, with very little agreement on what to do about it. As we fiddle and fight, China plows ahead. Our system, the one favoring small government and free markets (in theory if not also in myth), is supposed to be the only way, as Margaret Thatcher averred. Until it collapses or nearly so. In such events political and corporate leaders seem ill-equipped to cause or even facilitate recoveries.

Ed Miliband, writing for the New York Times, offers some refreshing candor on what ails western capitalism. He’s in Davos, where the rich and powerful convene to do something—haven’t quite figured out what. Miliband:

Both the United States and Britain suffered because their economies were overly reliant on the financial sector’s artificial profits; living standards for the many worsened while the economic rewards skewed to the top 1 percent; a capitalist model encouraged short-term decision-making oriented toward quarterly profits rather than long-term health; and vested interests — from giant banks to media moguls —were deemed too big to fail or too powerful to challenge.

We need to recognize that the trickle-down promise of conservative theorists has turned into a gravity-defying reality in which wealth has flowed upward disproportionately and, too often, undeservedly. To address properly the squeeze in middle-class incomes on both sides of the Atlantic requires fresh thinking from governments about how people train for their working lives and what a living wage should be.

Note the term “artificial profits.”

I’ve just finished watching a BBC production “The Way We Live Now.” It stars the inestimable David Suchet (better known as Hercule Poirot) as a rich “Jew,” Augustus Melmotte (Anthony Tollope reveals the stubborn racism of late 19th century Britain), who comes to England to make more money and gain public respect by winning a seat in parliament. His reputation precedes him, as London’s entrepreneurs anxiously curry favor with him, despite his Jewishness. Well, Melmotte is his century’s equivalent to Kenneth Lay or Bernie Madoff.

He creates a corporation, ostensibly to build a railroad from Utah to Mexico. But he has no such intention. He just wants rich men to purchase shares, then watch their buying bid up the stock. He then uses the market value of the phony company to secure a sizable loan, which he intends to use to start another company, and so on. An earnest and honest engineer who really wants to build the railroad visits the alleged route only to discover that little, if any, money has been spent to secure land or acquire equipment. It’s a “sham,” he says. The engineer returns to London to blow the whistle, and everything begins to unravel. The company’s shares plummet; the bank calls in its loan. But Melmotte has put all of his wealth in his daughter’s account to protect his fortune. Long abused by her father, she refuses him the money. Melmotte announces that he’s “ruined,” then commits suicide.

A fictional account, this was. Nevertheless, it foreshadows the present-day rise of the financial sector and its “artificial profits” and “crony capitalism.” Building an economy on a house of cards is not a very good idea. Miliband:

And governments must remember they are elected to serve the people, not the powerful lobbies who can pay for access or influence. Too often the real enemies of market capitalism are some of the leading beneficiaries of the current model, which favors price-gouging cartels and consumer exploitation.

Keynes said that he was trying to save capitalism from itself, though he didn’t much care for large governments. After all, he had made a fortune in the market and wanted that others could do the same. But Keynes also recognized the critical role governments must assume during recessionary periods. (His General Theory was published during the Great Depression.)

Perhaps we’re at a crossroads. But I can’t imagine the soul-searching at Davos resulting in all-out efforts to ape the Chinese.

I, for one, hope that there are still some adults in the room who will dare expose the naked emperor, who has been allowed to play too long without supervision. Western capitalism isn’t working for the Rest of Us, and there may come a day when even “artificial profits” are the stuff of dreams. To that I would say, “Good riddance to bad rubbish.”

The great slog

At no time like the present is it more apt to call economics the “dismal science.” The economy itself has been dismal, with scant hope for a sustained, robust recovery. Merely talking and writing about it is misery enough. But somebody’s got to do it.

However, the talking and writing about economics is the silver lining to this otherwise dark cloud. We’re all learning bits and pieces about macroeconomics, especially, because of Paul Krugman, mostly, and several other economists who join him each day on the blogosphere.

In one of his posts this morning, Krugman gives us another insight into how the Great Recession was/is different from the recession that greeted Ronald Reagan. The head of the Federal Reserve at the time was Paul Volcker, who looked in horror at skyrocketing inflation, then took action by raising interest rates and squeezing the money supply.

In 1980 the inflation rate touched 14 percent, and we can see a correlation between the supply of money (M2) and CPI. Now things are different; we’ve had low inflation regardless of how much money is in circulation. Krugman:

Since then, however, inflation has been well under control, and booms have died of old age — or more precisely, they have died because of overbuilding and an excessive level of debt. The Fed is then in the position of trying to goose housing (which is the principal channel for monetary policy) even though housing may already be overbuilt (which was the point I was making, sarcastically, when I said long ago that the Fed has to create a housing bubble), and it is cutting rates from an initial level which isn’t that high. So the odds of running up against the zero lower bound are high, and recovery can be a long time in coming.

Krugman includes a chart from the St. Louis Fed. I’ve created my own based on the same data.

Krugman:

The early-80s slump was brought on by a huge rise in the Fed funds rate, which left lots of room for cuts, and was driven by a deep slump in housing, which meant that there was lots of pent-up demand when rates fell again. The 2007-? slump was brought on by the bursting of a housing and debt bubble, and left the Fed largely pushing on a string.

As the housing bubble expanded we took on more debt. The value of the housing has plummeted since the bubble burst, but the debt remains. Those with mortgages have either lost their homes or are underwater in increasing numbers. (Data from FRED.)

Meanwhile, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) brings us more good news. In an update to the organization’s World Economic Outlook we’re met with this:

The global recovery is threatened by intensifying strains in the euro area and fragilities elsewhere. Financial conditions have deteriorated, growth prospects have dimmed, and downside risks have escalated.

Back home, the Federal Reserve issued a statement two days ago. It will keep its rates low through the end of 2014, if not longer, because the economy is still very sluggish.

While indicators point to some further improvement in overall labor market conditions, the unemployment rate remains elevated. Household spending has continued to advance, but growth in business fixed investment has slowed, and the housing sector remains depressed. Inflation has been subdued in recent months, and longer-term inflation expectations have remained stable.

Of course, this is all Obama’s fault.

Egan on Newt

Timothy Egan takes on Gingrich this morning in another exquisite post. Here he “deconstructs a demagogue,” the title of his piece. He writes:

Gingrich is the rare politician who can dissemble without a hint of physical change, defying Mark Twain’s maxim that man is the only animal that blushes — or needs to. He’s also skilled at attacking the very things he practices. In the South Carolina debate last week, when Gingrich went ballistic over a question on an ex-wife’s claim that he wanted an open marriage, he said he had offered ABC numerous witnesses to rebut the charge. In fact, his campaign admitted this week, there were no such witnesses — only character rebuttals by children from a previous message.

His claim that he was paid at least $1.6 million by the mortgage backer Freddie Mac for work as a “historian” was a laughable fiction. This week, those contracts were released, and show no mention of historian duties; it was old-fashioned influence peddling.

What bothers me, as it should you, is that Gingrich is playing to the most hateful and narrow-minded of voters, and there seems to be a lot of them, too many to simply dismiss.

Obama likes to talk of our being one America, neither red nor blue. A nice wish, perhaps, but hardly reflective of reality. Just listen to Newt and his tribal followers.

Bogus numbers

Bill Snyder, writing for Infoworld, sharply rebukes advocates of SOPA and PIPA for their contrived numbers regarding job loss and dollar hits to the economy. Microsoft is notoriously busy in Congress and elsewhere shouting about piracy. Snyder:

“The software industry is being robbed blind,” said Business Software Alliance CEO Robert Holleyman. “Nearly $59 billion worth of products were stolen last year (2010) — and the rates of theft are completely out of control in the world’s fastest-growing markets,” it reported in a study. The BSA, which is led by Microsoft, was a leading advocate for SOPA and PIPA. By way of comparison, Microsoft’s revenue for that year was $62 billion. (Microsoft, by the way, spent $7.34 million on lobbying efforts last year, according to United States Senate Office of Public Records.)

Readers may have noticed that I had displayed a banner in the upper right corner of my site for a few days in protest of these anti-piracy proposals (SOPA and PIPA). The Internet chatter and Wikipedia’s self-blocking of its site sent a message. Congress has put these two measures on the back burner.

But Microsoft and others have deep pockets. So I don’t think these initiatives are gone for good.

If they return, though, web-shit will hit the fan again, and again, and again.

Love the Internet.

Apple’s record quarter

In the first quarter following Steve Jobs’s demise, Apple announced its best quarter in history. Its profits for the past three months fell just short of Exxon’s 2008 3rd quarter, the world record to date. Apple’s margin was 47%, nearly half of total revenues were net income.

So, the company is now sitting on almost $100 billion. Yep, billion, with a B. What to do with all that cash?

I suppose they could buy their competitors, with money left over. They could acquire more companies. They could return some of the money to investors as dividends. But I have a better idea.

Apple’s suppliers have blood on their hands—literally. Horrific working conditions punctuated by several explosions have both killed and maimed Chinese workers.

I am pleased that the New York Times is drawing attention to this dark side of Apple, the “agony” in Michael Daisey’s one-man show. For all the wonderful things to be said about Apple’s products, its global manufacturing system sucks as much as it benefits.

Apple should spend some of that cash to do the following:

  • raise wages and benefits
  • impose strict health and safety rules to prevent injuries
  • improve living conditions (most supplier employees live on site in extremely crowded dormitories)

I’m guessing that Apple could do this and much more and still have a few bucks left over.

 

I’ve got a lot of chick peas

When you shop at Costco you buy in bulk. I like to put garbanzo beans in my salads. But with the weather turning colder, I’m cooking warmer food. Brilliant, you could say. Or not.

So, what am I to do with all these beans? To the rescue comes Mark Bitman of the New York Times with a recipe for chick peas, otherwise known as garbanzo beans.

I think I’ll try it.

Oh, and I got a kick out of his video introduction.

Saving money

The New York Times has an interactive feature related to proposed cuts in the Pentagon budget. So I clicked on all of them.

I saved $1.4 trillion over the next 10 years!

I’ll bet that we’d do just fine, especially if we diverted those savings into things that Americans actually need.

PUD rate increase

Several years ago, following the West Coast energy debacle, the PUD board of commissioners established a policy regarding rates. We would raise rates only when necessary, but increases would be smaller and more frequent than in times past.

Also, the board gave direction to the general manager to exercise prudent financial planning, so as to avoid major risks (e.g., the Enron fiasco) and provide the utility with the resources necessary to meet its multiple obligations: reliable electrical delivery, compliance with I-937, improved customer service, and enhanced conservation so customers can lower their bills and the utility can defer more expensive generating resources.

The Bonneville Power Administration provides most of the electricity used by our customers. The BPA administrator expects to raise rates on a more frequent basis to cover its rising costs, including species preservation. The PUD board voted to pass through those BPA rate hikes, although, and over my objections, not automatically. So, each time BPA raises its rates, our board will conduct a rate hearing.* (The PUD, despite being a publicly owned utility, is not governed by Washington’s Utilities and Transportation Commission, which regulates investor-owned utilities like Puget Sound Energy.) This past October, the PUD board adjusted its retail rates by 0.9 percent to accommodate Bonneville’s most recent increase. It had very little effect on residential customers, however.

You may have read this morning’s article in the Everett Herald about a proposed PUD rate increase. Following a February 7 public hearing and assuming the board adopts the general manager’s recommendation, retail rates will increase a utility-wide average of 2.9 percent. What is behind the recommendation? I’ll simply restate the bullet points presented by our general manger, Steve Klein:

  • PUD’s last general rate adjustment occurred in April 2009 when rates increased an average of 3.5 percent.
  • PUD’s prior general rate adjustment in April 2002 resulted in lowering rates 5.1 percent.
  • In the process of developing the PUD’s 2012 Budget, we prudently evaluated expenses to reduce rate impacts, committed to draw again substantially ($28 million) from reserves and applied $44 million of Bond Proceeds. Still, $11 million deficit remains resulting in the need for a 2.9 percent system average rate increase.

It should be appreciated that the board of commissioners would prefer not having to raise rates, especially during tough economic times. But to defer such increases when they are deemed necessary to meet our obligations only creates a bow wave of unaddressed challenges, eventually requiring the board to raise rates dramatically, exacting a much more significant toll on our customers. (I was not on the board when it was victimized by Enron, et al., during the aforementioned debacle. Retail rates soared by nearly 60 percent in one year.)

As difficult as each rate increase is, especially to at-risk customers, we should place them within a broader context. I’ll offer three: (1) What’s going on with other utilities’ rates?; (2) What are the inflation-adjusted retail rates over time?; and (3) What portion of household income does the PUD bill represent?

 

All of the above utilities are public utility districts. But what about other Puget Sound utilities?

The Snohomish County PUD doesn’t look too bad when compared with our neighbors. Again, I would emphasize the PUD’s prudent planning, including the creation and maintenance of financial reserves that help us smooth out budgets year to year and keep the bond rating agencies happy.

Here’s an interesting fact. In real dollars, the proposed new PUD rate is less than what customers were paying in 1984. In the graph below you’ll see what happens when a utility strives for “rate stability” over a decade. Yes, the rate falls against inflation. But then it must jump sharply to catch up with ongoing demands. By the way, the most current rates have edged upwards in real dollars, because inflation is so low; it actually turned negative in 2009.

About that third point and how big a hit a typical bill has on a typical household. Well, it’s going down. (The images, by the way, were included in the general manager’s presentation to the PUD board.)

Electricity is an essential commodity often taken for granted. To keep the power on requires an immense coordination of people, devices, materials, and software applications. If the equipment is poorly maintained, outages become more frequent; and what good is electricity if it’s not available? Yet, look at how little we have to pay for something that we couldn’t do without.

Self-serving, to be sure, but now is a good time to be a Snohomish County PUD customers.
________________

*  Seattle City Light, among other utilities, automatically passes through BPA’s bumps, viewing such increases as a kind of fuel adjustment recovery mechanism used in the private sector and authorized by public utility commissions.

Why deficits?

Anyone not living in a cave over the last couple of years knows about deficits and debts, perhaps not the details so much, but more of their existence. Usually negative adjectives are associated with each, as in “crippling,” “soaring,” “unaffordable,” or “explosive.” From the Republicans we hear that it’s the Democrats’ fault and that government is just too big, meaning it spends too much. There is no mention of revenues.

Well, I want to talk about revenues. As the charts below illustrate, we started incurring greater and greater debt at the same time tax rates plummeted. (Shaded areas represent GOP administrations. Data from Bureau of Economic Analysis.)

Here’s another graph depicting spending and revenues as a percentage of GDP.

I’ve posted the following chart before. It shows how much tax has been collected on a million-dollar-income over time, inflation-adjusted.

We can see that 1913 was a good time to be a millionaire; the statutory rates took less than $40,000 from your wallet. During the early 50s, the IRS asked you for all but a hundred thousand of your income. Again, these are statutory rates; the effective rates, as we’ve been learning, are far less, due to exemptions and loopholes—and probably a good share of criminal avoidance.

While the above chart looks like Mr. Toad’s wild ride, the trend is surely downward. The economy was growing faster and more consistently during those periods when tax rates were higher, roughly 1950 to 1980.

But what about the spending?— you may ask. Indeed, federal government expenditures have steadily risen, exponentially over the last few decades. Where does that money go?

The government’s biggest expense is defense, at $868 billion, followed by “Pensions” (most of which is Social Security) and health care (mostly Medicare) at $855 bil. and $405 bil., respectively. Notice that administrative expenses, “General Government,” are just one percent of the total budget.

What would you cut? What would you enhance? Or would you prefer a different set of categories altogether?

Much of the focus during this year’s presidential campaign will be, and already is, on the economy. Which candidate’s or party’s strategies will be more likely to help or hinder economic recovery?

I’ll go out on a very short limb. Should any one of the GOP nominees beat Obama and should the Republicans take control of the Senate as well, we’ll see what we’re used to seeing when the elephants run the circus: soaring debt (because of even lower tax rates), more unemployment, a repeal of the health care law, and reductions in just about every existing category, except for defense and “protection.” Indeed, if the GOP feels it has a mandate, it may eliminate several departments.

This would truly be an experiment, because we will never have had so many whacky, yet unified, conservatives at the helm. How much damage could they do and how long would it take?

Gads. We may find out soon enough.

Government: the ideological divide

Last night Americans, and perhaps much of the world, were treated to two vastly different viewpoints on government. At issue: What should it be doing and to what extent?

In his state of the union address President Obama rather passionately advocated for a more energetic and involved government, one that assists both businesses and individuals in realizing their potential. He would do so through targeted tax cuts, spending on infrastructure, expanding educational opportunities, while preserving entitlements for the Rest of Us as he pushed to impose higher taxes on the very wealthy.

Quite opposite, Mitch Daniels, narrating the Republican response, offered a vision of a much smaller government that is almost completely out of sight if not out of mind. His program calls for tax cuts, of course, fewer, if any regulations, reduced benefits for the poor and aged, and, by implication, repeal of “Obamacare.” Here’s Daniels:

The President’s grand experiment in trickle-down government has held back rather than sped economic recovery.  He seems to sincerely believe we can build a middle class out of government jobs paid for with borrowed dollars.  In fact, it works the other way: a government as big and bossy as this one is maintained on the backs of the middle class, and those who hope to join it.

Obama’s plan will not be tried. Daniels’ will not work. That means for the Rest of Us more of the same.

Notwithstanding Obama’s appeal to “common sense” and “shared responsibility,” today’s Republican Party eschews both. There’s is an ideology founded on mendacity and fairy tales. Their goal, however, is as simple as it is obvious: control Washington, D.C., by whatever means necessary. Since facts are always inconvenient, manufacture a phony reality, then stick to it regardless of circumstances or events.

We could spend several pages dissecting Daniels’s glib propagandist adventure, but we should address a few of the assertions. It really doesn’t matter where we start, because they’re all whoppers. I’ll put Daniels’s assertions in boldface.

“The President’s grand experiment in trickle-down government…”

Experiment? Trickle-down government? First off, keep in mind that presidents in our form of republicanism wield much, much less power and latitude than prime ministers in parliamentary governments, and this president, in particular, and regardless of how you might judge his proposals, has faced an obstructionist Congress. Even raising the debt ceiling, well-nigh automatic in the past, has become an exercise in political brinkmanship, exploiting the opportunity to exact concession, often irrelevant to the issue. The Senate, a bordello of arcane rules designed to hinder rather than facilitate legislation. Thus, a minority stymies the majority—without a single vote, more often than not.

Those familiar with our economic history recognize the purpose of Obama’s fiscal stimulus proposal, which Congress eventually passed. This is textbook Keynesianism and hardly an experiment. Yes, it was much too little, as many prominent economists complained, so it failed to accomplish what the administration had intended, though it prevented an even worse calamity.

And speaking of Keynes, he concluded that in severe recessionary periods only the government has the ability to break the demand-supply logjam. We’ve visited this on several occasions. In a demand-constrained economy, such as the one we’ve been in since the collapse of the housing bubble, businesses won’t expand and hire workers, because whatever they might produce won’t be consumed.

FDR understood, somewhat grudgingly, that his administration had to act following the Wall Street crash. He increased the money supply and persuaded Congress to spend millions of dollars on public works projects, from the arts to building dams. The private sector was in too bad a shape to hire workers; only government could make that happen.

Well, the Great Recession parallels many of the conditions of the Great Depression, albeit less acutely. But the same prescription is required. Republicans didn’t like it in the 30s and they don’t like it now, even if people’s lives are improved or they suffer less. That’s because their sacred texts abhor the mere concept of government, let alone what it can or cannot do.

“Those punished most by the wrong turns of the last three years are those unemployed or underemployed tonight, and those so discouraged that they have abandoned the search for work altogether.  And no one has been more tragically harmed than the young people of this country, the first generation in memory to face a future less promising than their parents did.”

The Congressional Budget Office ran the numbers on ARRA (pdf). It drew these conclusions about the act’s expenditures:

  • They raised real (inflation-adjusted) gross domestic product (GDP) by between 0.8 percent and
    2.5 percent,
  • Lowered the unemployment rate by between 0.5 percentage points and 1.6 percentage points,
  • Increased the number of people employed by between 1.0 million and 2.9 million, and
  • Increased the number of full-time-equivalent jobs by 1.4 million to 4.0 million, as shown in Table 1. (Increases in FTE jobs include shifts from part-time to full-time work or overtime and are thus generally larger than increases in the number of employed workers.)

Subtract out these achievements, which the Republicans dearly wished to do in the first place, would have exacerbated the situation. The strategic error was all Obama’s. He shunned superior advice (e.g., from Christine Romer to more than double the spending) in favor of pragmatism, naively believing that he could get more bites out of the apple. But, he did something rather than nothing, for which he gets tarnished. Republicans to a person point the finger at the White House because ARRA failed to jumpstart the economy, completely ignoring its positive effects.

“As Republicans our first concern is for those waiting tonight to begin or resume the climb up life’s ladder.  We do not accept that ours will ever be a nation of haves and have nots; we must always be a nation of haves and soon to haves.”

Yes, there are all these millions of people just “waiting” in the wings for a better life. No, they’re not waiting. They’re down if not completely out, tortured by the curse of unemployment, saddled with mountains of debt, and facing homelessness should benefits run dry.

Consider this chart from the Economic Policy Institute:

The dark line represents the number of unemployed per job opening. Twenty-one months after the recession began there are over six people out of work for every available position. Compare with the lighter line, which shows what happened after the last recession in 2001. Yep. Things are bad.

But this is all Obama’s fault, because all those people tossed out of work are forced to wait. Wait for what? Republicans tell you that the government is in the way of businesses hiring. Why they believe that escapes reason. Businesses aren’t hiring because people aren’t buying. It really is as simple as that. And why aren’t people buying? Because they don’t have a job or are underemployed.

It is an article of Republican faith that all unemployment is volitional. People can always find a job, provided they’re willing to work for less money. I’ve written about this here. Under existing economic conditions, people won’t be hired no matter how low they go.

“In our economic stagnation and indebtedness, we are only a short distance behind Greece, Spain, and other European countries now facing economic catastrophe. But ours is a fortunate land. Because the world uses our dollar for trade, we have a short grace period to deal with our dangers. But time is running out, if we are to avoid the fate of Europe, and those once-great nations of history that fell from the position of world leadership.”

Daniels really doesn’t understand macroeconomics at all, and I’m hardly an expert. He’s not been reading the literature about why Europe is in a mess of its own, and it has almost everything to do with the Euro sans a central government institution like our Federal Reserve.

The U.S. is less likely to go “bankrupt” because it has a single, common currency. And if the U.S. was really “only a short distance” from troubled European countries, why do investors line up to buy our securities, whose yields are at record lows? It’s precisely because we have the means and the commitment to pay our debts, even as they accumulate.

“The only way up for those suffering tonight, and the only way out of the dead end of debt into which we have driven, is a private economy that begins to grow and create jobs, real jobs, at a much faster rate than today.”

Well, here is where the Rest of Us are waiting. Where is the private sector, the one that’s been coddled by Congress for all these years since the Great Divergence? As surveys show, businesses aren’t expanding because of government regulations or high taxes; they cite the same problem as economists do: diminished aggregate demand.

Only an imprudent CEO would open his doors tomorrow to hire more workers without some assurance that whatever he built or sold would be purchased. Supply does not create its own demand.

“The extremism that stifles the development of homegrown energy, or cancels a perfectly safe pipeline that would employ tens of thousands, or jacks up consumer utility bills for no improvement in either human health or world temperature, is a pro-poverty policy.  It must be replaced by a passionate pro-growth approach that breaks all ties and calls all close ones in favor of private sector jobs that restore opportunity for all and generate the public revenues to pay our bills.”

“Extremism”? Recall that it was Richard M. Nixon who signed bills establishing the EPA, the Clean Water Act, and the Endangered Species Act. He would be judged a pariah by today’s Republicans. The modern GOP cares not for the environment or any of the species that inhabit the planet. They would gladly toss the earth under the bus for another dollar of profit.

That proposed pipeline, by the way, was neither “perfectly safe” nor would it have employed “tens of thousands.” Nor will its absence cause people’s utility bills to rise. Visit this site to gain a different perspective.

“That means a dramatically simpler tax system of fewer loopholes and lower rates. A pause in the mindless piling on of expensive new regulations that devour dollars that otherwise could be used to hire somebody. It means maximizing on the new domestic energy technologies that are the best break our economy has gotten in years.”

As the clock ticks the Republicans can be relied on to push for lower taxes. How low would the GOP take them, since they’re already at the lowest rates since the 1920s? Remember this: the G.W. Bush tax cuts did nothing to create jobs.

As for regulations, do the Republicans not realize that the repeal of financial regulations, especially the New Deal’s Glass-Steagall Act, led to the housing bubble and its inevitable collapse? We’re mired in debt, both public and private, a product of unrestrained speculative euphoria. I would submit that had the pre-Reagan regulations been in place, we wouldn’t have experienced this last recession.

There. I’m done.

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